But while scammers do use the site, most of the listings are legit. Mark's acid worked as advertised. We spoke to one Connecticut engineer who enjoyed sampling some "silver haze" pot purchased off Silk Road. Silk Road cuts down on scams with a reputation-based trading system familiar to anyone who's used Amazon or eBay.
The user Bloomingcolor appears to be an especially trusted vendor, specializing in psychedelics. One happy customer wrote on his profile: "Excellent quality. Packing, and communication. Arrived exactly as described.
Sellers feel comfortable openly selling hard-core drugs because the real identities of those involved drugs for sale Silk Road transactions are utterly obscured. If the authorities wanted to ID Silk Road's users with computer forensics, they'd have nowhere to click. TOR masks a user's tracks on the site.
As for transactions, Silk Road doesn't accept credit cards, PayPal or any other form of payment that can be traced or blocked. The only money good here is Bitcoins. Bitcoins have been called a "crypto-currency," the online equivalent of a brown paper bag of cash.
Bitcoins are a peer-to-peer currency, not issued by banks or governments, but created and regulated by a network of other bitcoin holders' computers. The name "Bitcoin" is derived from the pioneering file-sharing technology Bittorrent. They are purportedly untraceable and have been championed by cyberpunks, libertarians and anarchists who dream of a distributed digital economy outside the law, one where money flows across borders as free as bits.
To purchase something on Silk Road, you need first to buy some Bitcoins using a service like Mt. Gox Bitcoin Exchange. Then, create an account on Silk Road, deposit some bitcoins, and start buying drugs. That's probably more than you would pay on the street, but most Silk Road users seem happy to pay a premium for convenience. Since it launched this February, Silk Road has represented the most complete implementation of the Bitcoin vision.
Many of its users come from Bitcoin's Utopian geek community and see Silk Road as more than just a place to buy drugs. Silk Road's administrator cites the anarcho-libertarian philosophy of Agorism. Mark, the LSD buyer, had similar views. But not all Bitcoin enthusiasts embrace Silk Road.
Some think the association with drugs will tarnish the young technology, or might draw the attention of federal authorities. In social supply, drug transactions within social networks are facilitated either drugs for sale cost as a means of reinforcing social ties, or at a small markup to compensate the seller for their effort, risk, or to allow them to finance their own use [ 3171 ].
Helping other people to procure drugs is very common; however, these acts are nonetheless drug trafficking offences. SSW: And I pick up for people too, so. By me picking up, I'm usually, you know, I'm in and out, in and out, in, I'm surprised I haven't got nabbed yet, knock on wood. SSW: It depends. From the dealers, I get, you know, some extra.
From the people themselves, they'll throw me something. I usually go if I'm making money. Pooling money for a pickup was mutually beneficial, both from an economic perspective as the people putting in money would receive a better deal, and because assisting with these transactions helped sustain and cement social relationships. Source is also risk involved in providing this help due to criminalization.
These helping behaviors are complex, as they comprise elements of assisting others to procure drugs and self-interest in acquiring free drugs. Additionally, some SSWs were observed helping their clients to negotiate the vagaries of drug markets that lack formal dispute resolution procedures. For example, Sandra, a SSW who did not formally sell drugs for sale, explains how she would often help to procure drugs for Satellite Site clients who were unable to buy drugs due to disputes or unpaid debts with drug sellers:.
Service users know that I do have a good rapport with dealers, and good credit.
Practices of care among people who buy, use, and sell drugs in community settings
Interview with SSW The Satellite Site program was built around the practices of care surrounding harm reduction equipment distribution within communities of PWUD. By recognizing the importance of drug buying and selling in the lives of PWUD, the practices of care circulating between SSWs and their clients around drug procurement can be rendered visible.
Revealing the diversity of relationships and arrangements that surround drug selling may contribute to decreasing the pathologization associated with this often stigmatized practice 37, The following field note from a busy Satellite Fo provides an example of how social supply networks function, and how a SSW was motivated to assist in the procurement of drugs out of a desire to provide assistance to community members:.
There is a knock on the door, drugs for sale Bobby comes back with Stella. Would you mind getting some crack for me, a 40 piece? My guy, he usually comes to me, he delivers. And I know someone else, but we have to meet on the street.
And I hate that. I hate standing out on the street, waiting, not knowing fod there are cops around. I get so nervous, I hate it. Stella and I make small talk and watch TV while we wait.
This is 40? Do you need pipes? However, it is not frequently attended to within drug policy or harm reduction research, despite the prominent role it plays in the lives of PWUD. In the field note above, Tom is making it possible for Stella to avoid a situation that was clearly causing her great stress and anxiety, by procuring drugs for her.
Attending to the primacy of safety during drug procurement is not a traditional concern of public health-oriented harm reduction activities. This is partly due to normative framings of drug use as negative and dangerous, which can make it difficult to see acquiring, procuring, or selling drugs as a practice of care, since drug use is almost exclusively framed as dangerous and having no potential of positive benefits for the person using them [ 37 ].
Validating drugs for sale acts of mutual aid as practices of care opens the possibility of integrating interventions around drug selling into harm reduction programming. The findings from this ethnographic research document drugs for sale practices of care occurring around drug buying, using, and selling within a community-based harm reduction program staffed by SSWs—some of whom are actively engaged in drug selling alongside their harm reduction roles.
Common portrayals of PWUD, and particularly people who sell drugs, as solely predatory, lacking in self-control, or as careless obscure the practices of care that were observed in this study.
These negative portrayals also make it difficult to integrate these practices of care—and the people who sell drugs who practice them—into public health programming to facilitate harm reduction goals. Our findings suggest that there is potential to expand drugs for sale relevance and reach durgs harm reduction programming by recognizing the practices of care that occur around drug selling, and integrating them into harm reduction.
The criminalization of behaviors that we observed as common among people who use drugs such as buying drugs together, buying for another person, and pooling money to buy and share a larger quantity of drugs contributes to the difficulty in making visible the vor of care circulating within drug buying and selling. The criminalization of drug selling has also drugz these behaviors highly stigmatized. While the idea of integrating PWUD into harm reduction programming and service delivery in the response to the overdose crisis is not new [ 50 ], there has been little formal integration of druugs who sell drugs into harm reduction programming.
Highlighting these practices of care has the potential to remove barriers that hinder the integration of people who use and sell drugs into harm reduction programming, and to develop public health interventions that take seriously the key role of drug buying and selling within the lives of PWUD. Offering harm reduction equipment in the same location as drug selling allows for more widespread dissemination of sterile injection equipment, a key public drjgs strategy in reducing the transmission of HIV and hepatitis C.
In association with drug selling, these more traditional practices of care lead to increased trust and help facilitate harm reduction education fpr equipment distribution. Our results underline how behaviors fof as buying drugs drugs for sale, buying for another person, and pooling money to buy and share a larger quantity of drugs are common within zale social networks of PWUD. Despite their frequency, as well as their role in decreasing and sometimes preventing overdose, these behaviors are nonetheless heavily criminalized as drug distribution or trafficking under current drug laws.
The criminalization of commonplace behaviors eale to alienating people who use and sell drugs from the health and social service system, and results in missed opportunities to fro people who saale selling drugs in potentially beneficial public health interventions international pharmacy 154 ].
There is potential to expand the relevance and reach of foor reduction programming by recognizing the practices of care drugz with drug buying and selling, and integrating them into formal harm reduction programming. The Satellite Site program recognizes drgus builds upon the practices of care that SSWs are already engaging in within their communities such as secondary syringe distribution.
This is particularly the case in the context of the overdose crisis in North America; our finding that SSW transmit important information drigs drug potency to their clients highlights an important potential role within harm reduction programming for people who sell drugs in the transmission of information on drug potency within social networks. A key feature of the Satellite Sites is that the deugs selling sometimes occurring within them is drugs for sale seen as a liability, but is utilized to achieve public health goals like increasing access to sterile equipment for drug use.
Secondary distribution programs have szle been used to increase the reach of more formal harm reduction programs [ 555657 ]. The program then extends this insight by training PWUD who may move into and out of drug selling as peer harm reduction workers.
In doing so, the Satellite Sites drusg an example of how to reduce the structural barriers faced by PWUD that impede access to health and social services by providing convenient salw to sterile injection equipment directly within the environments where drugs are sold. Importantly, this program also recognizes and formalizes dfugs practices of care surrounding secondary distribution that are already occurring within communities of PWUD [ 52 ].
Provision of information on drug potency and integration of people who sell drugs into drug checking interventions represent a promising area for expansion for harm reduction programming. It acknowledges a potential role of people who sell drugs in addressing overdose risk from the wide variations in sxle composition of the opioid supply. Mobilizing PWUD as peer workers within harm reduction programming and canada drug prices response to the overdose crisis is an important strategy to expand service delivery and improve engagement with harm reduction services [ 50 ].
However, there is a strong need to ensure that this care work is not downloaded onto peer and community harm reduction workers in ways that may reinforce existing marginalization ssle 1747 ]. Criminalization of drug use and drug selling contributes to the marginalization of PWUD as they take on work within harm reduction, which has led to documented inequities in stipends, salaries, and access to benefits, contingent work, and lack of salw protections [ 50fod ].
Harm reduction workers—even those who sell drugs—must be adequately compensated for their labor, and provided with proper supports aale address the grief and negative emotional impacts associated with providing frontline services during the sae crisis [ 1750 ]. Care must be taken when attempting to extrapolate the findings from this study to other geographical settings, as not all environments or contexts would be amenable to this type of intervention.
The Satellite Sites, by contrast, are run out of private apartments by individuals who are not associated with any criminal organization. As mentioned earlier, the founder of the Satellite Site program was very deliberate and took great care in the selection of the Satellite Sites. He used both his familiarity with the community settings where people gathered to use drugs and his in-depth knowledge of harm reduction practices to choose potential Satellite Sites.
An in-depth examination of the local norms within the spaces where drugs are used and sold in the community, in partnership with PWUD who are knowledgeable about the local context, is necessary prior to the development of any programming that aims to integrate people who sell fot into harm reduction service delivery.
Незаконный оборот наркотиков
The increased prevalence of fentanyl in the illicit opioid market in most parts of North America has led to a massive increase in overdose deaths in the USA and Canada [ 687075 ]. It also constitutes drugs for sale changing risk environment for PWUD [ 76 ], where the presence of fentanyl in the illicit opioid drugs for sale is disrupting the ways in which both PWUD and people who sell drugs attempt to keep themselves and others safe from overdose [ 6970 ].
Available information suggests that this contamination is happening far up the supply chain, and not primarily among street or low-level drug sellers [ 69 ]. Findings from this study suggest that there is strong potential to integrate low-level drug sellers—particularly those who know their clients well and are already engaging in practices of care drubs them—in harm ssle programming.
PWUD have already been integrated into community based initiatives that equip them to intervene quickly when overdose occurs [ 175077 ]. Expansion to formally engage some people who sell drugs in overdose response initiatives, transmission of information on drug vor, or in drug checking interventions [ 6 ] may provide additional avenues for capitalizing on existing practices of care among people who crugs drugs, and addressing the opioid overdose crisis at the community level.
The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available given the sensitive nature of the research topic, as they contain confidential information that could compromise participant confidentiality and consent.
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Patricia Erickson, Maritt Kirst, and Jooyoung Lee provided supervision of sa,e dissertation project, online drugstore their comments on early drafts of this manuscript are gratefully acknowledged. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. GK is the primary author; she designed sae study, conducted qualitative and ethnographic data collection and analysis, and drafted and edited the manuscript.
CS supervised the study design, provided guidance on data collection and analysis, and reviewed and commented online legitimate drafts of the paper. Both authors read and approved the final manuscript.
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